The Brussel’s Effect: How the European Union Became the World’s Regulatory Superpower

by | Sep 13, 2025 | Europe

The EU shapes the behavior of global companies, including American big tech firms, which adapt their products to comply with European norms

In a world where global power is measured by military strength, technological innovation, or cultural influence, it is striking that the European Union, without housing major tech giants or centers of disruptive innovation, has turned bureaucracy into a tool of global power. It shapes the behavior of global companies, including American big tech firms, which adapt their products to comply with European norms. This phenomenon is known as the “Brussels Effect” and has positioned the EU as the world’s regulatory superpower, fueling growing tensions, particularly with the United States following the re-election of Donald Trump.

The European market comprises 450 million consumers with significant purchasing power, making it an essential destination for global companies. However, access to this attractive market comes with detailed regulations based on the precautionary principle, ostensibly prioritizing consumer and environmental protection, and enforced by an efficient bureaucracy capable of implementing and enforcing rules with precision. This combination encourages companies to align their global operations with European standards, as maintaining different product versions for each region is costly and complex. In practice, this exports European standards worldwide.

American big tech companies such as Apple, Google, and Meta exemplify the impact of the “Brussels Effect,” as they face the requirements of legislations like the Digital Markets Act (DMA) and the Digital Services Act (DSA). These laws have forced companies to overhaul their business models, often at high cost and with significant implications. The DMA, for instance, forced Apple to allow alternative app stores and third-party payment systems on iOS, leading the company to announce, in 2024, global changes to its app policy affecting users even outside Europe, with cost estimates in the billions of dollars to restructure its infrastructure and address revenue losses from the App Store.

Google, under the same regulation, was required to offer alternatives to its search engine on Android and to unbundle services such as YouTube, impacting its global strategy and requiring significant investments in new operating systems and interfaces. The company faced potential fines of up to 10% of its global revenue for non-compliance.

Meanwhile, Meta, under the DSA, was required to invest billions in content moderation systems, a serious imposition that openly seeks to control freedom of expression on a global scale. Operational costs increased by around 20%, according to market analysts. These costly adjustments are ultimately coercive due to the weight of the European market, demonstrating how Brussels shapes corporate behavior on a global scale.

These successive impositions and forced adaptations illustrate precisely Friedrich Hayek’s warning about the dangers of central planning. By replacing spontaneous order with top-down, uniform rules imposed by a technocratic authority, the capacity for local adaptation and respect for market complexity is lost. In this scenario, the European Union increasingly takes on the features of a regulatory Leviathan, a body concentrating disproportionate power in the hands of bureaucrats far removed from citizens, reducing freedom of choice and stifling innovation.

The impact of these regulations on consumers is twofold. Within Europe, they face direct limitations such as reduced functionalities, less personalization, and more expensive subscriptions, like Meta’s “pay or consent” model, which requires users to either accept data tracking or pay monthly to maintain access. Outside Europe, these same adjustments are often applied globally, since maintaining distinct product versions for each jurisdiction is logistically complex and financially unsustainable. Thus, the cost of European compliance is passed on worldwide, affecting consumers who had no say in the original regulatory decisions. It is, therefore, a form of “exported bureaucracy” with both economic and political consequences, contributing to a subtle yet steady erosion of individual liberty.

Some critics, such as the Information Technology & Innovation Foundation (ITIF), argue that this strategy serves as a substitute for Europe’s failure to generate its own tech giants. In a report published in April 2025, ITIF argued that EU regulations amount to a “de facto tariff system” targeting American big tech firms, a way of compensating through regulatory imposition what Europe failed to achieve in the free market. This criticism gained traction in the context of the new 30% tariffs announced by Donald Trump, which escalated trade tensions between the two blocs.

Companies have fought back, initiating legal actions to contest fines and rules such as Apple’s appeal in 2024 against DMA penalties. To the detriment of consumers and innovation, however, little seems to change.

Markets should be free. Both European interventionism and American protectionism represent distortions that punish consumers and hinder innovation. The ideal of a free market rests on open competition, freedom of choice, and the absence of artificial barriers imposed by states whether in the form of tariffs or hyper-specific regulations. In a world where technology evolves at exponential speed, tying progress to bureaucratic or retaliatory logic is not only ineffective; it is self-destructive.

Made available from Fee.org.

Cláudia Ascensão Nunes is the local coordinator of Ladies of Liberty Alliance – Portugal. She is a political opinion maker with more than 10.000 followers on X (formerly Twitter). She also is a columnist for several Portuguese newspapers, and is the former local coordinator for the Iniciativa Liberal Party.

The views expressed represent those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the editors & publishers of Capitalism Magazine.

Capitalism Magazine often publishes articles we disagree with because we believe the article provides information, or a contrasting point of view, that may be of value to our readers.

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